Controlled and intentional intergroup encounters have been a feature of Arab-Jewish relations in Israel for more than four decades. They have a long and well-documented track record and an almost equally-long literature critical of their goals, intentions, and success. The book describes the multidimensional process of intergroup dialogue between Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs, revealing the profound inner turmoil it creates beneath the surface and its powerful potential to transform mutually negating relations. Kahanoff takes us beyond the usual level of the intergroup encounter to examine the dynamics that take place between and within each group and then, most boldly, within the consciousness of individual participants. She argues for the unsettling and dangerous nature of dialogue as crafting a space where individuals encounter not only the image or narrative of the other but also the image or narrative of the self. The author argues that dialogue contains the potential to destabilize a person's sense of identity and that the seeming failure of overt dialogue may signal the beginning of a process of inner dialogue and transformation.
An Islamic terrorist movement, ISIS (also dubbed IS or ISIL), has taken advantage of the chaotic "Arab Spring” in Syria and Iraq to declare an Islamic Caliphate wherever it has been able to rise to power. This movement is continuously attempting to extend the territory of its rule. The Egyptian Sinai Peninsula and the Libyan post-Qaddafi desert country have sworn allegiance to the Caliphate and every town that is captured by the fighting forces of ISIS is forced to submit to strict Islamic law.
The Caliphate movement is constantly increasing its power and influence. It is not only sustained by the thousands of local recruits, but it is reinforced by many thousands of Muslim minority youth dwelling abroad. These youths are charmed by the "purity” of its ideals and goals, its brutal and coercive ways, and its defiance of the West.
The United States, some "moderate” Arab allies in the Gulf, and some other international players, including Russia, have launched attacks against the ISIS forces to prevent them from further destroying the ancient cultures of Mosul and Palmyra, dedicated by UNESCO as part of the world heritage. Beyond that there does not seem to be any force capable of arresting their advance or checking their universal appeal to Muslims around the world. Israeli’s pessimistic conclusion is that ISIS may be contending for power in the Middle East for many years to come, while threatening to become a center of terrorist activity against the West.
This special issue consists of a collection of studies of Israeli representations, both Jewish and Palestinian, of memory and historical narratives of the 1948 War. The studies map and explain some Israeli-Jewish and Israeli-Palestinian perspectives of the 1948 War as represented in literature, historical museums, art, visual media, and landscape, as well as in competing official and societal narratives. They are examined especially against the backdrop of the Oslo process, which had strongly brought into relief tensions within and between both sides of the national divide concerning identity and legitimacy, justice, and righteousness of "self” and "other”.
Years of Upheaval discusses "Axial periods" in history; years that witnessed such fundamental reversals in history as to make the world turn upside down and inaugurate a new era. Raphael Israeli sees the post 1989 period as such a period in Islam.
Nissim Rejwan's To Live in Two Worlds: The Pains of Displacement is a moving narrative of the practical spiritual affinity of one who loved Iraq's Jewish heritage from its origin in the seventh century BCE through the arrival of Islam in the seventh century CE and his departure from Baghdad to Israel in 1951. He loved his Muslim fellow citizens in Iraq. And they loved him. Rejwan's writings in this book reflect a profound sense of loss. The book includes segments of The Last Jews in Baghdad: Remembering a Lost Homeland which he dedicated to Elie Kedourie, his co-religionist and literary mentor. But he also included in the dedication three Muslim fellow writers whose lives like his swirled around the activities of Bagdad's Al-Rabita Bookshop: Najib al-Mani, Adnan Raouf, and Buland el-Haidari. The affinities of these men were not consciously spiritual. They came naturally and unselfconsciously in their Abrahamic relationship.
In a world in which change is constant, the principle of self-determination is important. Through (collective) acts of self-determination, nations exercise the right to govern themselves. At present the nation-state system faces several challenges. In Western Europe, sub-state nationalism is on the rise. In the Middle East, the state system bequeathed by former colonial powers faces increasing threats from pan-Islamist movements. Overall, the established order faces unprecedented uncertainties. The scholars who have contributed to this volume assess the merits, limitations and trajectories of self-determination in the twenty-first century, pointing to the paradoxes and anomalies that are encompassed by what at first sight is a simple and seductive concept.
Drawing on a newly developed theoretical definition of "missed opportunity", Chances for Peace uses extensive sources in English, Hebrew and Arabic to systematically measure the potentiality levels of opportunity across some ninety years of attempted negotiations in Arab-Israeli conflict. With enlightening revelations that defy conventional wisdom, this study provides a balanced account of the most significant attempts of forge peace, initiated by the world's superpowers, the Arabs (Including the Palestinians), and Israel.
The thrust of this book, is a proposal that calls for the establishment of an equitable Democratic State, in which all the inhabitants, Jews and Palestinians alike, living on the West of the River Jordan have equal human and civil rights as citizens of this country. In emphasizing the thoughts on how to proceed in establishing such a Democracy are Professor Asad Gh'anem a Palestinian citizen of Israel, and Dan Bavly and an Israeli Jew. In the impetus of the book, they separately describe how from their very different backgrounds, they concluded that the One State Democracy was the preferred structure for both people to live in peace and prosperity and advise how this might be done. In doing so, they share with their readers the highlights of the century old history of the Zionist movement, and those of the Palestinian Nationalism, and how from early in the 20th Century, there were among the leaders those who realized how essential it was that both people adjust to living together in an equitable society. As the two states for two peoples becomes less practical the authors of this book insist that the only doable plan for the future is the 'One State for Two Peoples' formula.
Living on the Edge: The Existential Uncertainty of Zionism probes Jewish existential uncertainty in the age of Zionism. It demonstrates that, despite its attempt to quell the perils of Jewish life, the Zionist movement has been immersed in existential uncertainty. It carefully examines the manifold "existential threats” as these were framed by Zionist elite and public alike, showing that while the people always saw before them the gaping abyss, its nature and depth constantly changes. Living on the Edge further detects the Zionist coping strategies, the "existential threads,” underscoring the role of morality. Zionists, living on the edge, have attempted to weave a security net, based not only on power, but also on moral justification—lending both meaning and cause to their identity and polity.
Standing at the edge of life's abyss, we seek meaningful order. We commonly find this 'symbolic immortality' in religion, civilization, state and nation. What happens, however, when the nation itself appears mortal? The Mortality and Morality of Nation seeks to answer this question, theoretically and empirically. It argues that mortality makes morality, and right makes might; the nation's sense of a looming abyss informs its quest for a higher moral ground, which, if reached, can bolster its vitality. The book investigates nationalism's promise of moral immortality and its limitations via three case studies: French Canadians, Israeli Jews, and Afrikaners.
This book analyzes the roots of the ideological discourse among distinguished Arab intellectuals and liberals regarding political reforms and democratization processes in the Arab states during the three decades that preceded the 'Arab Spring.' It fills a void in the literature that examines the impact of the New Arab Liberals on the political status quo. The New Arab Liberals have drawn public criticism in demanding a change to the political status quo and the cultural and social molds. They have succeeded in presenting to the Arab public a rational alternative outlook, centered upon a civil, secular, and democratic state, as against an Arab nationalistic or Islamist state vision. Their demands for radical reform have led to aggressive and violent expression since December 2010 in the shake-up known as the 'Arab Spring' that shattered a large part of the Middle East. In order to understand the background, the range, and strength of the demands of the Arab public, it is necessary to investigate the ideological contribution of the Arab Liberals to the public discourse
Anti-Semitism was widespread and deeply rooted throughout Yugoslavia during World War II. The author traces the circumstances and historical context in which the pro-Nazi Ustasha state, encompassing Croatia and Bosnia, erected the Jadovno and Jasenovac death camps. This volume distills fact and historical record from accusation and grievance without passing judgment, but acknowledges the evil inflicted by all sides upon the Jewish minority in their midst.
The relationship between Israel and Africa has been characterized by dramatic shifts, unparalleled in Israel’s relations with other continents. When most African nations gained independence in the 1960s, Israel was one of the first countries to establish diplomatic relations with them and offer wide-ranging assistance, hoping that these friendly relations would help to end its isolation in the region. Israeli embassies operated in 33 countries south of the Sahara. Thus, there was tremendous disappointment when nearly all African countries broke off diplomatic relations during and after the Yom Kippur War. In the 1980’s, Israel began to return to Africa and today has relations with 40 states. Aryeh Oded, who has served as Israeli ambassador to several African countries, analyzes the reasons for these radical changes, basing his work on primary sources and personal experience.
Swahili is one of the most widespread languages in the world, spoken by some 100 million people in East Africa and neighboring countries. The Organization of African Unity (today African Union) decided that Swahili would become the common language of all of the 53 countries in Africa, and it is taught in many universities. The authors of this book have taught Swahili in the Hebrew University and Tel Aviv University, and drew upon their experience to write this first Swahili textbook especially for Hebrew speakers. It is meant to be used as a basic text by students, businesspeople, diplomats and tourists, both in academic settings, or in individual study.
In this account, diplomatic historian, Moshe Yegar, describes how the Political Department of the Jewish Agency in Jerusalem gradually developed relations with both the British Authorities and the Arab leadership in Palestine and neighbouring countries during the 30 year rule of the British Mandate that ended with Israel's independence in 1948.
During the years 1989-1991, Israel renewed its diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Hungary, Yugoslavia, Poland and Czechoslovakia — relations that were severed following the Six Day War. Added to this was Albania, with whom Israel established diplomatic relations for the first time. During those years Israel’s representatives conducted conversations with officials of East Germany towards the possibility of establishing diplomatic relations between them. .Thiswas not realized due to East Germany’s refusal to recognize its part in paying reparations to Israel for its role in the persecution of Jews during the Nazi regime and as a result of the unification process of Germany that began to show signs of being on the horizon.
Nazi Germany's foreign policy towards the Soviet Union was carried out in accordance ith ideological and political objectives. These were defined and planned well in advance, with a view to a final confrontation for the domination of Europe. This policy regarded "Jewish Bolshevism" as the main obstacle to securing victory in the coming confrontation, hence its rise and fall constituted a yard-stick in the formulation of Germany's relationship with the Soviet Union. Soviet diplomatic activity was aimed at thwarting the German threat to Soviet territorial integrity and its political regime. By putting ideological principles to one side, betlittling the danger of Nazi anti-Semitic policy for Jews themselves and for free Europe in its entirety, and dismissing Jews from senior positions in the Soviet hierarchy, they hoped to save off the conflict. From both the German and the Soviet perspective, the Jewish factor was significant. The purposed of this book is to assess its place and influence upon the mutual relations between the two countries in the years 1933-1941.
The book was originally published in Hebrew by the Magnes Press of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in 1986. This edition includes additional material subsequently published in Russia and newly revealed Soviet archival sources which were unavailable at the time the Hebrew edition went to press.
During the 1960’s, Uganda was the African country in which Israel activities were the widest in diverse areas, including civil and military-security. Thousands of Ugandans participated in continuing education programs in Israel, and hundreds of Israeli experts were dispatched to Uganda.
In March 1972, Uganda’s President Idi Amin expelled all the Israelis from Uganda and severed diplomatic ties with Israel. During the course of the year and afterwards in 1973, almost all other African nations severed diplomatic ties with Israel. This was a difficult and painful blow to descend upon Israel’s foreign policy.
This book examines the development of the relationship between Israel and Ugandaas a case study of the changes that occurred in Israel’s relationship with African countries over the past 40 years however, the Ugandan vicissitudes were the most serious. The author examines the reasons that led to this situation and investigates the lessons that were learned and the lessons that still need to be learned from the bitter experience in Uganda in order to establish our relationship with African countries on a more stable foundation. The book provides an overview on Israel-Africa relations and the combined progression in the texture of the relationship between Africa andIsrael in general.
The author was involved in the development of relations with Uganda from the start and continued in dealing with the Ugandan issue within the framework of his work inIsrael’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, even during the period when diplomat relations were cut off. Oded took part in the efforts that brought about the renewal of relations with this country in 1994. The overview of the developments is based on his personal experiences and on first hand sources.
Explores the contradictory position of Arabic being both the official language and marginalized in Israel
Arabic became a minority language overnight in Israel in 1948, as a result of the Palestinian exodus from their land that year. Although it remains an official language, along with Hebrew, Israel has made continued attempts to marginalize Arabic on the one hand and securitize it on the other. Camelia Suleiman delves into these tensions and contradictions, exploring how language policy and language choice both reflect and challenge political identities of Arabs and Israelis. She explores the historic context of Arabic in Israel, the attempts at minoritising, Orientalising and securitising the language, the Linguistic Landscape (LL) of Arabic in Israel, the effect of globalization, modernization and citizenship status on the status of Arabic, Hebrew as a language choice of (semi) autobiographic production of three Israeli authors who are native speakers of Arabic, and lastly, a comparison with the status of Arabic in both Jordan and Palestine (West Bank and Gaza Strip) where Arabic is the official language
Until recently, Jakarta, the hub of Indonesian politics, was caught in the eye of a storm marked by two recent events. The first involved Jakarta’s ethnic Chinese Christian Governor Basuki Tjahaja “Ahok” Purnama, who was charged in November 2016 and later convicted of a criminal act of blasphemy against Islam. There followed three massive protests — organized by a coalition of hardline Islamic groups. and calling for the governor’s prosecution — that paralyzed the city center and threatened to drive a wedge between the country’s Muslim majority and its three million ethnic Chinese citizens. The second event was Ahok’s crushing defeat in a bid for reelection in April following a divisive campaign that gave hardliners the national stage, while those moderate Islamic organizations with far larger followings appearing, according to some commentators, as having essentially remained on the sidelines.
How can irregular political situations, which impact the lives of millions, become normalized? Specifically, within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, how can 50 years of Israeli control over the Occupied Territories become accepted within Israeli society as a normal, possibly even banal phenomenon? Conversely, how can such a situation be estranged from daily reality, denied any relation to who "we" are? This volume explores these questions through the lens of two central discourses that dominate the Israeli debate regarding the future of the Occupied Territories: 1) Occupation Normalization Discourse, which portrays Israeli control of the territories as a "normal" part of life; 2) Occupation Estrangement Discourse, which portrays this situation as distant from Israeli reality. In addressing these discourses, the authors develop a new methodological tool, Dialectic Discourse Analysis, which examines discourse as a process of perpetual positing and synthesis of oppositions through the discursive construction, differentiation and mediation of self and other.Through this approach, the authors illustrate that these discourses are dialectically constituted in opposition to one another, feeding off one another, each enabling the other to exist. This dynamic has resulted in a fixed discourse, preventing any progress towards a synthesis of oppositions.
This paper differs from previous studies in arguing that sectarianism has overwhelmingly been created consensually by/or as a result of the elites’ behavioral patterns. Religious or communal pluralism does not categorically lead to political sectarianism; The development of pluralism into political sectarianism can thus be adduced as dependent upon other factors—first and foremost the behavioural patterns of the elite. While the imperial legacy, theological controversies, and socioeconomic gaps feed political sectarianism, in and of themselves they are insufficient to cause it. A survey of the history of Egypt and the other countries in the Fertile Crescent reveals that the development of political sectarianism or sectarian violence has been organically linked to elites' political behaviors and interests. sectarianism takes the form of the instrumental exploitation of a religious or communal identity or framework in order to enable political organization, the gaining of political legitimacy, the promotion of political change, or the preservation of the control held by interest groups. While in the eyes of many critics, sectarianism forms a striking example of the elites' intrinsic weakness, sectarianism is first and foremost a product of the elites’ quest for power.
כיצד התעצבה התנועה הלאומית הפלסטינית, כיצד נראתה בראשית דרכה, מה היו הישגיה ומה היו האפשרויות שנדחו והוחמצו? בשאלות אלו עוסקת הביוגרפיה הפוליטית של מוסא כאט'ם באשא אל-חוסיני (1934-1850), מנהיגה המרכזי של התנועה הלאומית הפלסטינית מראשית ימי הכיבוש הבריטי ועד מותו ב-1934. צמיחתו של מנהיג לאומי אנטי אימפריאלי ומאבקו להגדרה עצמית, מסופרים כאן דרך היסטוריה של מפגשים בעידן של שינויים מרחיקי לכת: מפגשיו של איש מנהל בכיר באימפריה העוסמאנית עם אנשי המנהל של האימפריה הבריטית; מפגשיו של מנהיג לאומי פלסטיני עם מנהיגי התנועה הציונית המתרחבת ומתבססת; ומפגשיו עם תומכיו ומתנגדיו בקהילה הפלסטינית המשתנה במהירות.