"Reflections on my Mission as Israel's Ambassador to Austria, Slovenia and Slovakia August 1993-December 1995" These Reflections are based on the author's activities in developing relations with Austria, Slovenia and Slovakia, in substance and in quantity. his discussions with the heads of these states and their discussions with their Israeli counterparts, surveying their internal and external policies, describing the local Jewish communities and the activities to foster relations with them and to strengthen their national status. These reflections have a documentary nature and constitute a unique and important source for research regarding the history of Israel's relations with these from the beginning of the 1990.
The book describes the relationship between Jews and Arabs in Israel from the beginning of Islam to the present day. Departing from the accepted picture of hostile relations and mutual hostility over the past century, the book celebrates the hundreds of years preceding the British Mandate. Analysis of thousands of documents from the archives of the Muslim court in Jerusalem during the 400 years of Turkish-Ottoman rule makes it clear that there was a diverse and multidisciplinary system of coexistence, tolerance and partnership in all areas of life between the Jews of Palestine and their Arab neighbors.
Al-Wefaq's complex nature led to ambiguity over the relationship between religion and politics and over the balance between Islamic ecumenism and sectarianism. While the Shici uprising presented a national and democratic agenda, questions remain over the party's full commitment to democracy and its loyalty to the national framework in the current regional turmoil with the empowerment of Shicis and disintegration of nation-states. There could be a discrepancy between the declared aims of an oppositional movement and its actions once it assumes power. The problematic legacy of minority–majority relations in Bahrain, the country's political culture and the difficult example of post-2003 Iraq, are further barriers to advancing full democracy. If the Shici majority gains power the party may become less democratic and more sectarian. Yet, it will also have much to lose given Bahrain's strategic alliance with the US and its position as a financial services hub in the region.
In the present upheaval in the Islamic world, as chaos, war, and vengeance are overtaking order, security, and civil rights, Muslim radicals have been venting their frustrations among their minorities, most of whom are Christian: from ancient Chaldeans in Iraq to Orthodox denominations in Turkey; from Catholics in Indonesia and Malaysia to remote and isolated Christian communities in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Related to this vast and escalating phenomenon has been the violent activity of some within the Muslim minorities in the West, who have migrated there in the past few decades and now seek revenge against their former colonial masters. This is taking place in the context of fast-increasing numbers of Muslims in the West, the result both of high birthrates and of escalating legal and illegal immigration from Islamic lands.
Countries often attempt to establish regional electricity grids. However, whereas research on natural resources frequently seeks to understand policy outcome through a geopolitical prism, when it comes to electricity studies the prism is always economic or technical. Hence, this study is a first attempt to identify the geopolitical dimension of cross-border electricity grids. The study argues that success in establishing electricity grids requires identifying how the geopolitical dimension interplays with the physical dimension. To examine the role of these geopolitical bottlenecks, the study examines negotiation protocols, spanning over 15 years, on establishing ten grid connections between Israel and its Arab neighbors. It finds that electricity geopolitics has been used both as a platform for deeper international cooperation and as a stick against neighboring states. When policies are driven by a peace dividend, proposals for grid connection appear to evolve and overcome the dependency and the security-economy bottlenecks. When relations deteriorate, proposals for grid connections appear to undergo reconsideration and to be held hostage by higher politics. If, when and how electricity grids materialize is a function of the nature of the electricity network as a twofold package and of the ability of the planning process to accommodate geopolitical uncertainty.
On 29 March 2016 the New York based online journal, Realty Today reported Israel is facing a housing crisis with [the] home inventory lacking 100,000 apartments House prices, which have more than doubled in less than a decade, resulted in a mass protest back in 2011 .
As Yael Allweil reveals in her fascinating book, housing has played a pivotal role in the history of nationalism and nation building in Israel-Palestine. She adopts the concept of homeland to highlight how land and housing are central to both Zionism and Palestinian nationalism, and how the history of Zionist and Palestinian national housing have been inseparably intertwined from the introduction of the Ottoman Land Code in 1858 to the present day.
Following the Introduction, Part I, Historiographies of Land Reform and Nationalism, discusses the formation of nationalism as the direct result of the Ottoman land code of 1858. Part II, Housing as Proto-Nationalism focuses on housing as the means to claim rights over the homeland. Part III, Housing and Nation-Building in the Age of State Sovereignty, explores the effects of statehood on national housing across several strata of Israeli society. The Afterword discusses housing as the quintessential object of agonistic conflict in Israel-Palestine, around which the Israeli polity is formed and reformed.
The Islamic republic provides an important model to assess the stability of hybrid regimes. This case demonstrates the durability of competitive authoritarianism if the system allows flexibility, adjustments and maneuvering between multiple forces, creating dynamism and even evolutionary change. Hybrid regimes are naturally vulnerable, but by combining the strengths of different types of authoritarianism, they can persist over years. Stabilization requires meticulous balancing between legitimization, cooption, coercion, informal networks and economic growth. While the Islamic Republic appears to be steady regardless of its particular president, Hassan Rouhani further is stabilizing the system due to his broad support-base, his leadership style, his economic policy and his national agenda. With a growing debate over the republican-revolutionary axis, Iranian nationalism buttresses state legitimacy but also may re-shape its theocratic essence. Rouhani probably will take small steps to provide limited freedoms, while maintaining equilibrium between the country’s diverse political forces.
How does the Ultra-Orthodox literature describe the male body? What does the body represent? What is the ideal male body?
This book is a philosophical-theological journey about the different images of the male body in the Ultra-Orthodox literature after the holocaust. The choice in the body as the center of the research comes from the fact that the body is the axis by which this community tries to understand its meaning and its role in life.
In the first part of the book, the writer explains the “problem of the body” and the different ways the Ultra-Orthodox theology deals with it. These different and even contradictory voices can teach the reader about the shifting of ideas inside the Ultra-Orthodox thought in the last decades. The second part of the book focuses on the image of the ideal body and describes how the rabbis train their bodies to reach ultimate form.
The article addresses the tension between nation-state memory and the law through “memory laws.” In contrast to laws that ban genocide denial or a positive perception of a violent past, I focus on laws that ban a negative perception of a violent past. As I will show, these laws were utilized for a non-democratic purpose in the last decade or more: They were proposed in order to limit public debate on the national past by banning oppositional or minority views, in contrast to the principles of free speech and deliberative democracy. Their legislation in such cases also stands in opposition to truth-telling efforts in the international arena. I compare two cases of memory legislation, in contemporary Russia and Israel, and evaluate their different impacts on democratic public debates in practice. A third case of “failed legislation” in France compliments the analysis by demonstrating not only the capacity but also the limitation of state power to silence or control public debate using the law. Although national laws often reflect majority culture and memory, I propose that memory laws in Russia, Israel, and France present an escalating degree of minority exclusion—from omission to active banning.
This polemical volume tackles the thorny and controversial issue of the vastly different narratives told (or manufactured) by the two parties of the conflict in the Middle East (the Arabs and Israel), focusing on 1948, where it all started. While all sides in this debate have vested interests, this author included, an attempt has been made here to reflect the factual truth on the events, although their interpretation will always remain controversial. Although the book argues principally with Benny Morris, the founder and leader of the so-called New Historians, it encompasses a wide array of controversial topics, like the evaluation of the 1948-49 War, the morality of the war (or the necessity to wage it as it was), and its main reverberations, such as the continuing conflict after seven decades, the aggravation of the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the essence of what history means. Israeli argues that the current debate between the so-called Old Historians and the New Historians--itself healthy if and when it is kept to the point and not allowed to degrade into personal libel and recriminations--is not really as unbridgeable as is often claimed. Both sides have erred at points and both sides have some important and complementary light to shed on the contentious events surrounding the birth of Israel.
This book deals with the planning culture and architectural endeavors that shaped the model space of French colonial Dakar, a prominent city in West Africa. As part of a burgeoning field of the study of the extra-European planning history of Europe, this book is one of the pioneers in attesting to the connection between the French colonial doctrines of assimilation and association and French colonial planning and architectural policies in sub-Saharan Africa, together with an analysis of the variety of indigenous, bottom-up, spatial responses.
Using a balanced approach, this study provides a comprehensive picture of the Arab sector over six decades. It examines what, when, and why the Arab minority in Israel chooses to either negotiate with the government or turn to protest or violence in order to change the status quo. This book offers a unique framework for further scholarly writings and enables policy makers, in any given situation, to identify the best policy to implement towards national minorities in order to reduce the possibility of tensions, violence, and escalation. These policies should not just involve making decisions to decrease a minority’s grievances, but should also aim to understand what type of leadership is guiding the minority in order to lower the chance of clashes between the parties.
This is the saga of the underground Jewish emigration from Morocco, which sent hundreds of thousands of Moroccan Jews who had been persecuted under Islam for centuries, onto illegal ships.
The Jews faced stormy seas and an uncertain future in their valiant attempts to escape from the authorities forbidding their emigration, risking their lives for the dream of reaching the hopeful shores of nascent Israel.
In one of those attempts, the ship "Pisces" sank off the coast of Morocco, taking with it 45 souls, including entire families who were never to reach their destination.
Since this book is partly autobiographical, much of the story focuses on the author and his family. The rest is populated by the many brave and unidentified Jews who ventured into the unknown, taking enormous risks to secretly leave Morocco.
Why is it that in spite undeniable similarities and time coincidence among Middle Eastern and North African countries we observed so different trajectories and outcomes of popular contention? And, why is it that despite unquestionable differences between MENA and non-MENA revolts we observed striking similarities in the actual dynamics of popular contention? Moving beyond a sole focus on root-causes and structural conditions on the one hand, and avoiding a teleological-like normative assessment of the outcomes and consequences of cycles of popular contention on the other, to focusing on dynamics of contentious politics, the book offers a broad comparative framework that facilitates the identification of theoretically meaningful similarities and dissimilarities both across the MENA countries and between MENA and non-MENA countries. These similarities and dissimilarities stem from the intricate, contingent, and indeterminate interplay among popular contention, regime, and transition, an interplay that takes on a hyper-pace during revolutionary cycles. Equally attentive to both similarities and differences and based on an unprecedented diverse set of cases from across the globe as well as a variety of comparative designs, Popular contention, Regime, and Transition offers revealing answers to two complementing questions: What can cycles of contention in other parts of the world tell us about revolts in the Arab world? And, what can the cycles of contention in the Arab world tell us about contentious politics more generally?
This volume examines the discursive relations between indigenous, colonial and post-colonial legacies of place naming in Africa in terms of the production of urban space and place. It is conducted by tracing and analyzing place-naming processes, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa during colonial times (British, French, Belgian, Portuguese), with a considerable attention to both the pre-colonial and post-colonial situations.
By combining in-depth area studies research – some of the contributions are of ethnographic quality – with colonial history, planning history and geography, the authors intend to show that culture matters in research on place names.
This volume goes beyond the recent understanding obtained in critical studies of nomenclature, normally based on lists of official names, that place naming reflects the power of political regimes, nationalism, and ideology.
Based on a workshop organized by the editors at the University of Sydney, this book looks at the way manga (comic publications) reproduces alternative visions of Japanese history and have the potential to shape national historical memory. Rather than focusing on highly formulaic symbols of collective memory on the national level such as museums, monuments, state rituals and ceremonies, or history textbooks, as the majority of historical literature has done, our book looks at the way in which the past is being integrated and insinuated into the surrounding through the everyday production and consumption of manga. The individual chapters showcase specific instances of re-imagining, rewriting, and consuming history in manga format, from the late nineteenth century to the present, to address wider questions related to nationalism, modernity, politics, gender equality, and economic and social transformations.
The Palestine War of 1948 remains a defining event in the contemporary history of the Middle East, especially for Israelis and the Palestinians. The last three decades witnessed a major surge in the production by both parties of historical research and memory of the 1948 War along with the shifting focus of the Arab-Israeli conflict from one between Israel and its Arab neighboring states to its original inter-communal Arab-Jewish dispute within historic Palestine. This edited volume comprises chapters contributed by scholars of various expertise and disciplines (history, literature, cinematgology; museology, urban geography, International Relations, and art), all related to Israeli and Palestinian memory and historical narratives of the 1948 war. The volume demonstrates the interrelation between history, memory and politics in general, and fills a gap in the literature on how Israelis and Palestinians have been reproducing the memory of 1948 war the implications of which keep nourishing the conflict and stumbling its solution.
Anaphora is an important approach for article connection and extension, playing an indispensable role in article construction, which also applies to Arabic. This thesis, taking “anaphora in Arabic” as its research target, discusses its functions contained in text and how it is constructed.
Firstly, the book describes anaphora used in Arabic, and divide it into four types including noun anaphora, deictic anaphora, pronominal anaphora and morpheme anaphora based on expression forms of anaphora, and holds the opinion that the essential difference identifying a specific anaphora shall relate to accessibility of the respective concept. Therefore in this thesis, accessibility of concepts contained in a text is utilized as an analysis tool for analysis and conclusion of textual characteristics while different forms of anaphora appear.
It is the main idea that anaphora owns functions of textual extension and textual cohesion in text construction in Arabic. The function of textual extension, from aspect of T-R structure, refers to promotion of textual development via continuing or changing the theme of the previous minor sentence; from aspect of information structure, it refers to promotion of plot evolution via matching and combination of different new/old information. The function of textual cohesion is mainly realized by three ways including reference cohesion, conjunction cohesion and relevance cohesion. Based on what is mentioned above, the book herein discusses functional characteristics and selection principles of different anaphora forms in a text.
In this thesis, the book also pays attention to psychological process of the expressers during textual construction, and regard anaphora as a selection process, which is not only under influence of textual factors but also restricted by rhetoric ones. Expressers, during utilization process of anaphora applied to the antecedents and based on certain pragmatic intention, will select or establish corresponding forms and realize preset pragmatic purpose and rhetorical effect by way of actual meaning of the anaphora.
Lastly, with utilization of comparative study, the book has summarized the features of noun anaphora, deictic anaphora and pronominal anaphora in Arabic and Chinese texts to analyze the reasons leading to non-correspondence of the same anaphora form contained in an original text and in its translated one during translation between Chinese and Arabic, the purpose and exploration of which are oriented to the practical Arabic teaching and translation process.
Although a member of the Axis Alliance, Japan's leaders informed Nazi Germany that its attitude towards the Jews was very different from that of the Nazi regime. Some 40,000 Jews found themselves under Japanese occupation in World War II, virtually all of them survived unlike their brethren in Europe. The book traces the evolution of Japan's policy towards the Jews since the start of the 20th century and explains why Japan ignored repeated German demands to be involved in the "final solution".
According to data published in 2012, nearly 40% of Palestinian students in East Jerusalem do not complete 12 years of study. Comparatively, the dropout rate is a mere 3% amongst the overall Jewish population of Jerusalem. Dr. Laila Abed Rabho designed this study to examine the factors that lead to such high dropout rates from the schools in East Jerusalem and possible ways to contend with this phenomenon. In contrast to previous research, Dr. Abed Rabho gives voice to the dropouts themselves. This study includes extensive in-depth interviews that were conducted with 26 student dropouts from East Jerusalem, who agreed to disclose their varied, personal stories, under condition of anonymity. Interviews were conducted with principals, teachers, advisors and senior educators, to examine the causes and possible solutions to the dropout problem. Dr. Abed Rabho's findings show that the causes for student dropout can be divided into five categories: Personal reasons; family reasons; economic/socio cultural reasons; and reasons of political/security.
How can irregular political situations, which impact the lives of millions, become normalized? Specifically, within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, how can 50 years of Israeli control over the Occupied Territories become accepted within Israeli society as a normal, possibly even banal phenomenon? Conversely, how can such a situation be estranged from daily reality, denied any relation to who "we" are? This volume explores these questions through the lens of two central discourses that dominate the Israeli debate regarding the future of the Occupied Territories: 1) Occupation Normalization Discourse, which portrays Israeli control of the territories as a "normal" part of life; 2) Occupation Estrangement Discourse, which portrays this situation as distant from Israeli reality. In addressing these discourses, the authors develop a new methodological tool, Dialectic Discourse Analysis, which examines discourse as a process of perpetual positing and synthesis of oppositions through the discursive construction, differentiation and mediation of self and other.Through this approach, the authors illustrate that these discourses are dialectically constituted in opposition to one another, feeding off one another, each enabling the other to exist. This dynamic has resulted in a fixed discourse, preventing any progress towards a synthesis of oppositions.
This paper differs from previous studies in arguing that sectarianism has overwhelmingly been created consensually by/or as a result of the elites’ behavioral patterns. Religious or communal pluralism does not categorically lead to political sectarianism; The development of pluralism into political sectarianism can thus be adduced as dependent upon other factors—first and foremost the behavioural patterns of the elite. While the imperial legacy, theological controversies, and socioeconomic gaps feed political sectarianism, in and of themselves they are insufficient to cause it. A survey of the history of Egypt and the other countries in the Fertile Crescent reveals that the development of political sectarianism or sectarian violence has been organically linked to elites' political behaviors and interests. sectarianism takes the form of the instrumental exploitation of a religious or communal identity or framework in order to enable political organization, the gaining of political legitimacy, the promotion of political change, or the preservation of the control held by interest groups. While in the eyes of many critics, sectarianism forms a striking example of the elites' intrinsic weakness, sectarianism is first and foremost a product of the elites’ quest for power.
כיצד התעצבה התנועה הלאומית הפלסטינית, כיצד נראתה בראשית דרכה, מה היו הישגיה ומה היו האפשרויות שנדחו והוחמצו? בשאלות אלו עוסקת הביוגרפיה הפוליטית של מוסא כאט'ם באשא אל-חוסיני (1934-1850), מנהיגה המרכזי של התנועה הלאומית הפלסטינית מראשית ימי הכיבוש הבריטי ועד מותו ב-1934. צמיחתו של מנהיג לאומי אנטי אימפריאלי ומאבקו להגדרה עצמית, מסופרים כאן דרך היסטוריה של מפגשים בעידן של שינויים מרחיקי לכת: מפגשיו של איש מנהל בכיר באימפריה העוסמאנית עם אנשי המנהל של האימפריה הבריטית; מפגשיו של מנהיג לאומי פלסטיני עם מנהיגי התנועה הציונית המתרחבת ומתבססת; ומפגשיו עם תומכיו ומתנגדיו בקהילה הפלסטינית המשתנה במהירות.