How can irregular political situations, which impact the lives of millions, become normalized? Specifically, within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, how can 50 years of Israeli control over the Occupied Territories become accepted within Israeli society as a normal, possibly even banal phenomenon? Conversely, how can such a situation be estranged from daily reality, denied any relation to who "we" are? This volume explores these questions through the lens of two central discourses that dominate the Israeli debate regarding the future of the Occupied Territories: 1) Occupation Normalization Discourse, which portrays Israeli control of the territories as a "normal" part of life; 2) Occupation Estrangement Discourse, which portrays this situation as distant from Israeli reality. In addressing these discourses, the authors develop a new methodological tool, Dialectic Discourse Analysis, which examines discourse as a process of perpetual positing and synthesis of oppositions through the discursive construction, differentiation and mediation of self and other.Through this approach, the authors illustrate that these discourses are dialectically constituted in opposition to one another, feeding off one another, each enabling the other to exist. This dynamic has resulted in a fixed discourse, preventing any progress towards a synthesis of oppositions.
This paper differs from previous studies in arguing that sectarianism has overwhelmingly been created consensually by/or as a result of the elites’ behavioral patterns. Religious or communal pluralism does not categorically lead to political sectarianism; The development of pluralism into political sectarianism can thus be adduced as dependent upon other factors—first and foremost the behavioural patterns of the elite. While the imperial legacy, theological controversies, and socioeconomic gaps feed political sectarianism, in and of themselves they are insufficient to cause it. A survey of the history of Egypt and the other countries in the Fertile Crescent reveals that the development of political sectarianism or sectarian violence has been organically linked to elites' political behaviors and interests. sectarianism takes the form of the instrumental exploitation of a religious or communal identity or framework in order to enable political organization, the gaining of political legitimacy, the promotion of political change, or the preservation of the control held by interest groups. While in the eyes of many critics, sectarianism forms a striking example of the elites' intrinsic weakness, sectarianism is first and foremost a product of the elites’ quest for power.
This meticulously researched new book from author Arye Oded analyzes Israel's complex relationship with African countries from the time period of the 1950s to the present day. There are three broad phases. The first, from the 1950s-the 'honeymoon' period-began as African countries started to gain independence and Israel was one of the first countries to establish diplomatic relations with them. This included offering assistance in various fields, especially in new agricultural technology and water management to ensure food security and reduce the poverty and hunger suffered by many African countries. In her activities in Africa, Israel emphasized the importance of training manpower in different fields. By 2015, more than 20,000 African students had taken part in courses in Israel. The second period-disengagement-began in October 1973 during the Yom Kippur War, when almost all sub-Saharan Africa broke off relations with Israel out of solidarity with Egypt, one of the founders of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The third period-renewal-began in 1982 when many African countries decided to benefit again from Israel's innovative abilities in many areas and, in this way, to enjoy assistance from both Israel and Arab countries. Today Israel has diplomatic relations with 41 African countries, and the continent forms a key part of Israeli security, economic, and diplomatic strategy. The epilogue describes Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu's June 2016 visit to five East African countries, his plan to visit West Africa, and the main reasons for these visits. [Subject: Israeli Studies, African Studies, International Relations, International Trade, International Development, Israel & Africa, Politics]