Explores the contradictory position of Arabic being both the official language and marginalized in Israel
Arabic became a minority language overnight in Israel in 1948, as a result of the Palestinian exodus from their land that year. Although it remains an official language, along with Hebrew, Israel has made continued attempts to marginalize Arabic on the one hand and securitize it on the other. Camelia Suleiman delves into these tensions and contradictions, exploring how language policy and language choice both reflect and challenge political identities of Arabs and Israelis. She explores the historic context of Arabic in Israel, the attempts at minoritising, Orientalising and securitising the language, the Linguistic Landscape (LL) of Arabic in Israel, the effect of globalization, modernization and citizenship status on the status of Arabic, Hebrew as a language choice of (semi) autobiographic production of three Israeli authors who are native speakers of Arabic, and lastly, a comparison with the status of Arabic in both Jordan and Palestine (West Bank and Gaza Strip) where Arabic is the official language
For five decades Golda Meir was at the center of the political arena in Israel and left her mark on the development of the Yishuv and the state. She was a unique woman, great leader, with a magnetic personality, a highly complex individual. She held some of the most important positions that her party and the State could bestow. She fulfilled most of them with talent and dignity. She failed in the top job - that of Prime Minister. This biography traces her origins, her American roots, her immediate family, her failed marriage, her rise in the party, the trade union movement, her massive and enduring achievements as Secretary of Labor and Housing, her ten year stint as foreign minister and finally the reasons that led to her failure as prime minister. She was a very good tactician, far less a strategist. She was a major builder of modern Israel whose influence on that country, on Israel-American relations and on Jewish history was evident primarily from 1969 to 1974. The author who served as spokesman for Golda Meir in 1973-1974 weaves a gripping story of one of the builders and leaders of the State of Israel.
The brilliant kaleidoscope of everyday creativity in Israel is thrown into relief in this study, which teases out the abiding national tensions and contradictions at work in the expressive acts of ordinary people. Hagar Salamon examines creativity in Israel’s public sphere through the lively discourse of bumper stickers, which have become a potent medium for identity and commentary on national and religious issues. Exploring the more private expressive sphere of women’s embroidery, she profiles a group of Jerusalem women who meet regularly and create "folk embroidery.” Salamon also considers the significance of folk expressions at the intersections of the public and private that rework change and embrace transformation. Far ranging and insightful, Israel in the Making captures the complex creative essence of a nation state and vividly demonstrates how its citizens go about defining themselves, others, and their country every day.
In December 2010, an unemployed Tunisian youth named Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire. This act ignited demonstrations throughout the Arab world, led to the downfall of the regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen and sparked civil war in Syria and Yemen. The Arab Spring was the third wave of awakening in the Arab world since the establishment of the Arab territorial states after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. This book is the first in-depth Hebrew examination of the storm of the Arab Spring.
Israeli Arabs constitute some 20% of the general population – a percentage that has remained steady since 1948, despite massive waves of Jewish aliyah. Because the Arab population growth rate is greater than the Jewish one, Israel’s Jewish nature could be endangered once sources of Jewish immigration dry up. Together with Israeli Arab refusal to integrate into Israeli political parties, and their insistence on maintaining separate linguistic and educational systems, this will perpetuate the growing gap between the two populations.
Set in Israel in the first decade of the twenty-first century and based on long-term fieldwork, this rich ethnographic study offers an innovative analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It explores practices of "memory activism" by three groups of Jewish-Israeli and Arab-Palestinian citizens--Zochrot, Autobiography of a City, and Baladna--showing how they appropriated the global model of truth and reconciliation while utilizing local cultural practices such as tours and testimonies.
These activist efforts gave visibility to a silenced Palestinian history in order to come to terms with the conflict's origins and envision a new resolution for the future. This unique focus on memory as a weapon of the weak reveals a surprising shift in awareness of Palestinian suffering among the Jewish majority of Israeli society in a decade of escalating violence and polarization--albeit not without a backlash.
Contested memories saturate this society. The 1948 war is remembered as both Independence Day by Israelis and al-Nakba ("the catastrophe") by Palestinians. The walking tour and survivor testimonies originally deployed by the state for national Zionist education that marginalized Palestinian citizens are now being appropriated by activists for tours of pre-state Palestinian villages and testimonies by refugees.
In the late 1950s, as part of a general mass immigration from Arab countries, many Iraqi Jews left or had to leave Iraq for Israel. In their encounter with a new society where Hebrew is the national language, most Iraqi Jewish authors found it impossible to continue writing in Arabic and had to face the literary challenge of switching to another tongue in order to be read. Clashes between origins and new cultures are likely to occur when geographical contexts change. In this regard, and unlike the typical emigration context when people move from east to west, moving from east to east exemplifies the experience of two Jewish authors, Shimon Ballas (b. Baghdad, 1930) and Eli Amir (b. Baghdad, 1937) alike. It is this complex situation that provides the backdrop to this study. Shimon Ballas and Eli Amir employ Arabic place names associated with Baghdad and/or Iraq in different ways in their Hebrew texts. This paper investigates the style of using Arabic place names in four Hebrew novels written by the two authors. The study argues that the place names brought by immigrant authors from their country of origin are not just names, but rather serve as codes and tools to transfer history, culture and traditions through a very minimal use of the mother tongue within literary texts, creating a sort of ‘bilingual’ final product.
How does the Ultra-Orthodox literature describe the male body? What does the body represent? What is the ideal male body?
This book is a philosophical-theological journey about the different images of the male body in the Ultra-Orthodox literature after the holocaust. The choice in the body as the center of the research comes from the fact that the body is the axis by which this community tries to understand its meaning and its role in life.
In the first part of the book, the writer explains the “problem of the body” and the different ways the Ultra-Orthodox theology deals with it. These different and even contradictory voices can teach the reader about the shifting of ideas inside the Ultra-Orthodox thought in the last decades. The second part of the book focuses on the image of the ideal body and describes how the rabbis train their bodies to reach ultimate form.
"Reflections on my Mission as Israel's Ambassador to Austria, Slovenia and Slovakia August 1993-December 1995" These Reflections are based on the author's activities in developing relations with Austria, Slovenia and Slovakia, in substance and in quantity. his discussions with the heads of these states and their discussions with their Israeli counterparts, surveying their internal and external policies, describing the local Jewish communities and the activities to foster relations with them and to strengthen their national status. These reflections have a documentary nature and constitute a unique and important source for research regarding the history of Israel's relations with these from the beginning of the 1990.
The book describes the relationship between Jews and Arabs in Israel from the beginning of Islam to the present day. Departing from the accepted picture of hostile relations and mutual hostility over the past century, the book celebrates the hundreds of years preceding the British Mandate. Analysis of thousands of documents from the archives of the Muslim court in Jerusalem during the 400 years of Turkish-Ottoman rule makes it clear that there was a diverse and multidisciplinary system of coexistence, tolerance and partnership in all areas of life between the Jews of Palestine and their Arab neighbors.
Why is it that in spite undeniable similarities and time coincidence among Middle Eastern and North African countries we observed so different trajectories and outcomes of popular contention? And, why is it that despite unquestionable differences between MENA and non-MENA revolts we observed striking similarities in the actual dynamics of popular contention? Moving beyond a sole focus on root-causes and structural conditions on the one hand, and avoiding a teleological-like normative assessment of the outcomes and consequences of cycles of popular contention on the other, to focusing on dynamics of contentious politics, the book offers a broad comparative framework that facilitates the identification of theoretically meaningful similarities and dissimilarities both across the MENA countries and between MENA and non-MENA countries. These similarities and dissimilarities stem from the intricate, contingent, and indeterminate interplay among popular contention, regime, and transition, an interplay that takes on a hyper-pace during revolutionary cycles. Equally attentive to both similarities and differences and based on an unprecedented diverse set of cases from across the globe as well as a variety of comparative designs, Popular contention, Regime, and Transition offers revealing answers to two complementing questions: What can cycles of contention in other parts of the world tell us about revolts in the Arab world? And, what can the cycles of contention in the Arab world tell us about contentious politics more generally?
Using a balanced approach, this study provides a comprehensive picture of the Arab sector over six decades. It examines what, when, and why the Arab minority in Israel chooses to either negotiate with the government or turn to protest or violence in order to change the status quo. This book offers a unique framework for further scholarly writings and enables policy makers, in any given situation, to identify the best policy to implement towards national minorities in order to reduce the possibility of tensions, violence, and escalation. These policies should not just involve making decisions to decrease a minority’s grievances, but should also aim to understand what type of leadership is guiding the minority in order to lower the chance of clashes between the parties.
Although a member of the Axis Alliance, Japan's leaders informed Nazi Germany that its attitude towards the Jews was very different from that of the Nazi regime. Some 40,000 Jews found themselves under Japanese occupation in World War II, virtually all of them survived unlike their brethren in Europe. The book traces the evolution of Japan's policy towards the Jews since the start of the 20th century and explains why Japan ignored repeated German demands to be involved in the "final solution".
On 29 March 2016 the New York based online journal, Realty Today reported Israel is facing a housing crisis with [the] home inventory lacking 100,000 apartments House prices, which have more than doubled in less than a decade, resulted in a mass protest back in 2011 .
As Yael Allweil reveals in her fascinating book, housing has played a pivotal role in the history of nationalism and nation building in Israel-Palestine. She adopts the concept of homeland to highlight how land and housing are central to both Zionism and Palestinian nationalism, and how the history of Zionist and Palestinian national housing have been inseparably intertwined from the introduction of the Ottoman Land Code in 1858 to the present day.
Following the Introduction, Part I, Historiographies of Land Reform and Nationalism, discusses the formation of nationalism as the direct result of the Ottoman land code of 1858. Part II, Housing as Proto-Nationalism focuses on housing as the means to claim rights over the homeland. Part III, Housing and Nation-Building in the Age of State Sovereignty, explores the effects of statehood on national housing across several strata of Israeli society. The Afterword discusses housing as the quintessential object of agonistic conflict in Israel-Palestine, around which the Israeli polity is formed and reformed.
This book examines the development of the concept of freedom (hurriyya) in nineteenth-century Arab political thought, its ideological offshoots, their modes, and their substance as they developed the dynamics of the Arabic language. The author traces the transition of the idea of freedom from a term used in a predominantly non-political way, to its popularity and near ubiquity at the dawn of the 20th century. He also analyses the importance of associated concepts such as “liberalism”, “socialism”, “progress,” “rationalism,” “secularism,” and “citizenship.”
This book deals with the planning culture and architectural endeavors that shaped the model space of French colonial Dakar, a prominent city in West Africa. As part of a burgeoning field of the study of the extra-European planning history of Europe, this book is one of the pioneers in attesting to the connection between the French colonial doctrines of assimilation and association and French colonial planning and architectural policies in sub-Saharan Africa, together with an analysis of the variety of indigenous, bottom-up, spatial responses.
This volume examines the discursive relations between indigenous, colonial and post-colonial legacies of place naming in Africa in terms of the production of urban space and place. It is conducted by tracing and analyzing place-naming processes, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa during colonial times (British, French, Belgian, Portuguese), with a considerable attention to both the pre-colonial and post-colonial situations.
By combining in-depth area studies research – some of the contributions are of ethnographic quality – with colonial history, planning history and geography, the authors intend to show that culture matters in research on place names.
This volume goes beyond the recent understanding obtained in critical studies of nomenclature, normally based on lists of official names, that place naming reflects the power of political regimes, nationalism, and ideology.
Based on a workshop organized by the editors at the University of Sydney, this book looks at the way manga (comic publications) reproduces alternative visions of Japanese history and have the potential to shape national historical memory. Rather than focusing on highly formulaic symbols of collective memory on the national level such as museums, monuments, state rituals and ceremonies, or history textbooks, as the majority of historical literature has done, our book looks at the way in which the past is being integrated and insinuated into the surrounding through the everyday production and consumption of manga. The individual chapters showcase specific instances of re-imagining, rewriting, and consuming history in manga format, from the late nineteenth century to the present, to address wider questions related to nationalism, modernity, politics, gender equality, and economic and social transformations.
Controlled and intentional intergroup encounters have been a feature of Arab-Jewish relations in Israel for more than four decades. They have a long and well-documented track record and an almost equally-long literature critical of their goals, intentions, and success. The book describes the multidimensional process of intergroup dialogue between Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs, revealing the profound inner turmoil it creates beneath the surface and its powerful potential to transform mutually negating relations. Kahanoff takes us beyond the usual level of the intergroup encounter to examine the dynamics that take place between and within each group and then, most boldly, within the consciousness of individual participants. She argues for the unsettling and dangerous nature of dialogue as crafting a space where individuals encounter not only the image or narrative of the other but also the image or narrative of the self. The author argues that dialogue contains the potential to destabilize a person's sense of identity and that the seeming failure of overt dialogue may signal the beginning of a process of inner dialogue and transformation.
According to data published in 2012, nearly 40% of Palestinian students in East Jerusalem do not complete 12 years of study. Comparatively, the dropout rate is a mere 3% amongst the overall Jewish population of Jerusalem. Dr. Laila Abed Rabho designed this study to examine the factors that lead to such high dropout rates from the schools in East Jerusalem and possible ways to contend with this phenomenon. In contrast to previous research, Dr. Abed Rabho gives voice to the dropouts themselves. This study includes extensive in-depth interviews that were conducted with 26 student dropouts from East Jerusalem, who agreed to disclose their varied, personal stories, under condition of anonymity. Interviews were conducted with principals, teachers, advisors and senior educators, to examine the causes and possible solutions to the dropout problem. Dr. Abed Rabho's findings show that the causes for student dropout can be divided into five categories: Personal reasons; family reasons; economic/socio cultural reasons; and reasons of political/security.
In the present upheaval in the Islamic world, as chaos, war, and vengeance are overtaking order, security, and civil rights, Muslim radicals have been venting their frustrations among their minorities, most of whom are Christian: from ancient Chaldeans in Iraq to Orthodox denominations in Turkey; from Catholics in Indonesia and Malaysia to remote and isolated Christian communities in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Related to this vast and escalating phenomenon has been the violent activity of some within the Muslim minorities in the West, who have migrated there in the past few decades and now seek revenge against their former colonial masters. This is taking place in the context of fast-increasing numbers of Muslims in the West, the result both of high birthrates and of escalating legal and illegal immigration from Islamic lands.
This polemical volume tackles the thorny and controversial issue of the vastly different narratives told (or manufactured) by the two parties of the conflict in the Middle East (the Arabs and Israel), focusing on 1948, where it all started. While all sides in this debate have vested interests, this author included, an attempt has been made here to reflect the factual truth on the events, although their interpretation will always remain controversial. Although the book argues principally with Benny Morris, the founder and leader of the so-called New Historians, it encompasses a wide array of controversial topics, like the evaluation of the 1948-49 War, the morality of the war (or the necessity to wage it as it was), and its main reverberations, such as the continuing conflict after seven decades, the aggravation of the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the essence of what history means. Israeli argues that the current debate between the so-called Old Historians and the New Historians--itself healthy if and when it is kept to the point and not allowed to degrade into personal libel and recriminations--is not really as unbridgeable as is often claimed. Both sides have erred at points and both sides have some important and complementary light to shed on the contentious events surrounding the birth of Israel.
An Islamic terrorist movement, ISIS (also dubbed IS or ISIL), has taken advantage of the chaotic "Arab Spring” in Syria and Iraq to declare an Islamic Caliphate wherever it has been able to rise to power. This movement is continuously attempting to extend the territory of its rule. The Egyptian Sinai Peninsula and the Libyan post-Qaddafi desert country have sworn allegiance to the Caliphate and every town that is captured by the fighting forces of ISIS is forced to submit to strict Islamic law.
The Caliphate movement is constantly increasing its power and influence. It is not only sustained by the thousands of local recruits, but it is reinforced by many thousands of Muslim minority youth dwelling abroad. These youths are charmed by the "purity” of its ideals and goals, its brutal and coercive ways, and its defiance of the West.
The United States, some "moderate” Arab allies in the Gulf, and some other international players, including Russia, have launched attacks against the ISIS forces to prevent them from further destroying the ancient cultures of Mosul and Palmyra, dedicated by UNESCO as part of the world heritage. Beyond that there does not seem to be any force capable of arresting their advance or checking their universal appeal to Muslims around the world. Israeli’s pessimistic conclusion is that ISIS may be contending for power in the Middle East for many years to come, while threatening to become a center of terrorist activity against the West.
This is the saga of the underground Jewish emigration from Morocco, which sent hundreds of thousands of Moroccan Jews who had been persecuted under Islam for centuries, onto illegal ships.
The Jews faced stormy seas and an uncertain future in their valiant attempts to escape from the authorities forbidding their emigration, risking their lives for the dream of reaching the hopeful shores of nascent Israel.
In one of those attempts, the ship "Pisces" sank off the coast of Morocco, taking with it 45 souls, including entire families who were never to reach their destination.
Since this book is partly autobiographical, much of the story focuses on the author and his family. The rest is populated by the many brave and unidentified Jews who ventured into the unknown, taking enormous risks to secretly leave Morocco.
Anaphora is an important approach for article connection and extension, playing an indispensable role in article construction, which also applies to Arabic. This thesis, taking “anaphora in Arabic” as its research target, discusses its functions contained in text and how it is constructed.
Firstly, the book describes anaphora used in Arabic, and divide it into four types including noun anaphora, deictic anaphora, pronominal anaphora and morpheme anaphora based on expression forms of anaphora, and holds the opinion that the essential difference identifying a specific anaphora shall relate to accessibility of the respective concept. Therefore in this thesis, accessibility of concepts contained in a text is utilized as an analysis tool for analysis and conclusion of textual characteristics while different forms of anaphora appear.
It is the main idea that anaphora owns functions of textual extension and textual cohesion in text construction in Arabic. The function of textual extension, from aspect of T-R structure, refers to promotion of textual development via continuing or changing the theme of the previous minor sentence; from aspect of information structure, it refers to promotion of plot evolution via matching and combination of different new/old information. The function of textual cohesion is mainly realized by three ways including reference cohesion, conjunction cohesion and relevance cohesion. Based on what is mentioned above, the book herein discusses functional characteristics and selection principles of different anaphora forms in a text.
In this thesis, the book also pays attention to psychological process of the expressers during textual construction, and regard anaphora as a selection process, which is not only under influence of textual factors but also restricted by rhetoric ones. Expressers, during utilization process of anaphora applied to the antecedents and based on certain pragmatic intention, will select or establish corresponding forms and realize preset pragmatic purpose and rhetorical effect by way of actual meaning of the anaphora.
Lastly, with utilization of comparative study, the book has summarized the features of noun anaphora, deictic anaphora and pronominal anaphora in Arabic and Chinese texts to analyze the reasons leading to non-correspondence of the same anaphora form contained in an original text and in its translated one during translation between Chinese and Arabic, the purpose and exploration of which are oriented to the practical Arabic teaching and translation process.
The Palestine War of 1948 remains a defining event in the contemporary history of the Middle East, especially for Israelis and the Palestinians. The last three decades witnessed a major surge in the production by both parties of historical research and memory of the 1948 War along with the shifting focus of the Arab-Israeli conflict from one between Israel and its Arab neighboring states to its original inter-communal Arab-Jewish dispute within historic Palestine. This edited volume comprises chapters contributed by scholars of various expertise and disciplines (history, literature, cinematgology; museology, urban geography, International Relations, and art), all related to Israeli and Palestinian memory and historical narratives of the 1948 war. The volume demonstrates the interrelation between history, memory and politics in general, and fills a gap in the literature on how Israelis and Palestinians have been reproducing the memory of 1948 war the implications of which keep nourishing the conflict and stumbling its solution.
This special issue consists of a collection of studies of Israeli representations, both Jewish and Palestinian, of memory and historical narratives of the 1948 War. The studies map and explain some Israeli-Jewish and Israeli-Palestinian perspectives of the 1948 War as represented in literature, historical museums, art, visual media, and landscape, as well as in competing official and societal narratives. They are examined especially against the backdrop of the Oslo process, which had strongly brought into relief tensions within and between both sides of the national divide concerning identity and legitimacy, justice, and righteousness of "self” and "other”.
Years of Upheaval discusses "Axial periods" in history; years that witnessed such fundamental reversals in history as to make the world turn upside down and inaugurate a new era. Raphael Israeli sees the post 1989 period as such a period in Islam.
Nissim Rejwan's To Live in Two Worlds: The Pains of Displacement is a moving narrative of the practical spiritual affinity of one who loved Iraq's Jewish heritage from its origin in the seventh century BCE through the arrival of Islam in the seventh century CE and his departure from Baghdad to Israel in 1951. He loved his Muslim fellow citizens in Iraq. And they loved him. Rejwan's writings in this book reflect a profound sense of loss. The book includes segments of The Last Jews in Baghdad: Remembering a Lost Homeland which he dedicated to Elie Kedourie, his co-religionist and literary mentor. But he also included in the dedication three Muslim fellow writers whose lives like his swirled around the activities of Bagdad's Al-Rabita Bookshop: Najib al-Mani, Adnan Raouf, and Buland el-Haidari. The affinities of these men were not consciously spiritual. They came naturally and unselfconsciously in their Abrahamic relationship.
In a world in which change is constant, the principle of self-determination is important. Through (collective) acts of self-determination, nations exercise the right to govern themselves. At present the nation-state system faces several challenges. In Western Europe, sub-state nationalism is on the rise. In the Middle East, the state system bequeathed by former colonial powers faces increasing threats from pan-Islamist movements. Overall, the established order faces unprecedented uncertainties. The scholars who have contributed to this volume assess the merits, limitations and trajectories of self-determination in the twenty-first century, pointing to the paradoxes and anomalies that are encompassed by what at first sight is a simple and seductive concept.
Drawing on a newly developed theoretical definition of "missed opportunity", Chances for Peace uses extensive sources in English, Hebrew and Arabic to systematically measure the potentiality levels of opportunity across some ninety years of attempted negotiations in Arab-Israeli conflict. With enlightening revelations that defy conventional wisdom, this study provides a balanced account of the most significant attempts of forge peace, initiated by the world's superpowers, the Arabs (Including the Palestinians), and Israel.
The thrust of this book, is a proposal that calls for the establishment of an equitable Democratic State, in which all the inhabitants, Jews and Palestinians alike, living on the West of the River Jordan have equal human and civil rights as citizens of this country. In emphasizing the thoughts on how to proceed in establishing such a Democracy are Professor Asad Gh'anem a Palestinian citizen of Israel, and Dan Bavly and an Israeli Jew. In the impetus of the book, they separately describe how from their very different backgrounds, they concluded that the One State Democracy was the preferred structure for both people to live in peace and prosperity and advise how this might be done. In doing so, they share with their readers the highlights of the century old history of the Zionist movement, and those of the Palestinian Nationalism, and how from early in the 20th Century, there were among the leaders those who realized how essential it was that both people adjust to living together in an equitable society. As the two states for two peoples becomes less practical the authors of this book insist that the only doable plan for the future is the 'One State for Two Peoples' formula.
Standing at the edge of life's abyss, we seek meaningful order. We commonly find this 'symbolic immortality' in religion, civilization, state and nation. What happens, however, when the nation itself appears mortal? The Mortality and Morality of Nation seeks to answer this question, theoretically and empirically. It argues that mortality makes morality, and right makes might; the nation's sense of a looming abyss informs its quest for a higher moral ground, which, if reached, can bolster its vitality. The book investigates nationalism's promise of moral immortality and its limitations via three case studies: French Canadians, Israeli Jews, and Afrikaners.
Living on the Edge: The Existential Uncertainty of Zionism probes Jewish existential uncertainty in the age of Zionism. It demonstrates that, despite its attempt to quell the perils of Jewish life, the Zionist movement has been immersed in existential uncertainty. It carefully examines the manifold "existential threats” as these were framed by Zionist elite and public alike, showing that while the people always saw before them the gaping abyss, its nature and depth constantly changes. Living on the Edge further detects the Zionist coping strategies, the "existential threads,” underscoring the role of morality. Zionists, living on the edge, have attempted to weave a security net, based not only on power, but also on moral justification—lending both meaning and cause to their identity and polity.
Anti-Semitism was widespread and deeply rooted throughout Yugoslavia during World War II. The author traces the circumstances and historical context in which the pro-Nazi Ustasha state, encompassing Croatia and Bosnia, erected the Jadovno and Jasenovac death camps. This volume distills fact and historical record from accusation and grievance without passing judgment, but acknowledges the evil inflicted by all sides upon the Jewish minority in their midst.
How can irregular political situations, which impact the lives of millions, become normalized? Specifically, within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, how can 50 years of Israeli control over the Occupied Territories become accepted within Israeli society as a normal, possibly even banal phenomenon? Conversely, how can such a situation be estranged from daily reality, denied any relation to who "we" are? This volume explores these questions through the lens of two central discourses that dominate the Israeli debate regarding the future of the Occupied Territories: 1) Occupation Normalization Discourse, which portrays Israeli control of the territories as a "normal" part of life; 2) Occupation Estrangement Discourse, which portrays this situation as distant from Israeli reality. In addressing these discourses, the authors develop a new methodological tool, Dialectic Discourse Analysis, which examines discourse as a process of perpetual positing and synthesis of oppositions through the discursive construction, differentiation and mediation of self and other.Through this approach, the authors illustrate that these discourses are dialectically constituted in opposition to one another, feeding off one another, each enabling the other to exist. This dynamic has resulted in a fixed discourse, preventing any progress towards a synthesis of oppositions.
This paper differs from previous studies in arguing that sectarianism has overwhelmingly been created consensually by/or as a result of the elites’ behavioral patterns. Religious or communal pluralism does not categorically lead to political sectarianism; The development of pluralism into political sectarianism can thus be adduced as dependent upon other factors—first and foremost the behavioural patterns of the elite. While the imperial legacy, theological controversies, and socioeconomic gaps feed political sectarianism, in and of themselves they are insufficient to cause it. A survey of the history of Egypt and the other countries in the Fertile Crescent reveals that the development of political sectarianism or sectarian violence has been organically linked to elites' political behaviors and interests. sectarianism takes the form of the instrumental exploitation of a religious or communal identity or framework in order to enable political organization, the gaining of political legitimacy, the promotion of political change, or the preservation of the control held by interest groups. While in the eyes of many critics, sectarianism forms a striking example of the elites' intrinsic weakness, sectarianism is first and foremost a product of the elites’ quest for power.
This meticulously researched new book from author Arye Oded analyzes Israel's complex relationship with African countries from the time period of the 1950s to the present day. There are three broad phases. The first, from the 1950s-the 'honeymoon' period-began as African countries started to gain independence and Israel was one of the first countries to establish diplomatic relations with them. This included offering assistance in various fields, especially in new agricultural technology and water management to ensure food security and reduce the poverty and hunger suffered by many African countries. In her activities in Africa, Israel emphasized the importance of training manpower in different fields. By 2015, more than 20,000 African students had taken part in courses in Israel. The second period-disengagement-began in October 1973 during the Yom Kippur War, when almost all sub-Saharan Africa broke off relations with Israel out of solidarity with Egypt, one of the founders of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The third period-renewal-began in 1982 when many African countries decided to benefit again from Israel's innovative abilities in many areas and, in this way, to enjoy assistance from both Israel and Arab countries. Today Israel has diplomatic relations with 41 African countries, and the continent forms a key part of Israeli security, economic, and diplomatic strategy. The epilogue describes Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu's June 2016 visit to five East African countries, his plan to visit West Africa, and the main reasons for these visits. [Subject: Israeli Studies, African Studies, International Relations, International Trade, International Development, Israel & Africa, Politics]